While the project promises cross-border cooperation, it risks repeating the old cycle of exporting raw resources while domestic energy needs go unmet.

True development shouldn’t prioritize foreign energy security over powering our own industries and homes. We need to complete our domestic infrastructure before we build export routes for others.

• Senegal President Faye Visits Mali Following Election As ECOWAS Chair

Senegalese President and recently-elected Chairman of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Bassirou Diomaye Faye, has visited Mali, in what observers are describing as a strategic move to woo the sovereign Alliance of Sahel States (AES) back into ECOWAS’s fold.

The visit comes 2 months after Faye’s fallout with campaign partner and former Senegalese Prime Minister, Ousmane Sonko, whose anti-imperialist African Patriots of Senegal for Work, Ethics and Fraternity (PASTEF) party helped propel Faye to power in 2024.

Faye has since cut ties with PASTEF, and continued to prove himself a stooge of the West.

• Edward Snowden: Tech Giants and U.S. Government Are Turning Our Identities Into Profit and Power

In this September 2019 interview on MSNBC’s ‘The 11th Hour’, American whistleblower Edward Snowden revealed that contrary to the western popular imagination, it is in fact, US corporate and government interests that are working to institute a so-called “social credit system” where access to basic societal privileges is granted by proprietary algorithms.

7 years later, in a world where access and reach on social media is now openly subject to US state-backed algorithmic suppression, do you agree with Snowden’s claims?

Don’t forget to follow The Spearhead.

• UN Experts Confirm The United States’ Support Of The RSF In Sudan

The externally-fueled proxy war in Sudan officially entered its fourth year this April 2026. Across the resource-rich North African nation, millions remain displaced, facing hunger, disease and death in what many are calling the worst humanitarian crisis of our time, while the “international community” continues to turn a blind eye.

The UAE-backed – and by extension, Western-aligned – Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia has perpetrated atrocities across Sudan in its campaign to seize resource-rich territory on behalf of its sponsors, with the regions of Darfur and Kordofan bearing the worst of the carnage. The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) are fighting to reclaim their nation from this vicious t*rror group, and what was once simplistically painted by international media as a “civil war” between “rival factions”, has quickly transformed into a new independence struggle, with Sudan’s gold, oil, arable land and sovereignty as the prize.

A recent investigation by Reuters and United Nations experts has revealed what many have since deduced: that the United States is directly supporting the RSF too.

• Isr**li -Nigeria Innovation Partnership Raises Fresh Concerns

Nigeria has become the latest African country to get involved in a dubious “partnership” with a certain West Asian territory that cannot be named.

@Big_Mck examines why this sort of “partnership” can only be a bad idea for African countries seeking sovereignty and development, and what they should be doing instead of getting into one-sided entanglements that never favour them.

• The Spearhead Roundtable 2

In the second episode of the The Spearhead Roundtable, hosts @big_mck, @gofwenjoy, @okorieuche, @panspear and @mayowa_durosinmi and @davidhundeyin discuss AFRICOM’s new digital blackface “Drongo” psy-op, Ibrahim Traoré’s revent public address that shook the continent, Donald Trump’s letter to Bola Tinubu, and the BATUK situation in Kenya.

Watch the full episode on our YouTube channel: The African Spearhead

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The received wisdom for decades has been that roads and other public infrastructure projects are packaged into “contracts” or “tenders”, which are then awarded to private business entities in a project that is perennially tainted with waste and corruption.

Burkina Faso’s Ouagadougou - Bobo Dioulasso Expressway and the first phase of Ghana’s Accra - Kumasi Expressway have both achieved impressive levels of delivery after being assigned to the Engineering Corps of the respective militaries of both countries. These projects have proceeded with minimum fuss, maximum output and close to zero waste, which begs an important question: In a developing country still recovering from the economic and societal devastation of colonisation and neocolonialism, why does the military not play a larger role in infrastructure development, and who decided that such an important function should be left to “the market”?

Mayowa Durosinmi examines this question for The Spearhead.

• Former CIA Agent: The CIA Doesn’t Give A Hoot About Democracy

Former CIA agent Philip Agee says the quiet part out loud in this clip taken from journalist John Pilger’s 2007 documentary, ‘The War On Democracy’.

Do you agree with this statement from the horse’s mouth?

• Abdourahamane Tiani: Three Years On, Niger Is Still Standing

Three years after July 26, 2023, Niger has charted a new path.

President Abdourahamane Tiani highlights how the country has remained resilient despite external pressure.

The past three years have been about defending Niger’s sovereignty, choosing its own strategic partners, and putting the interests of the Nigerien people first.

• American Journalist Claims Syrian Diplomat to The US Took Part in Her 2016 Kidnap

Mohammed Qanatari the newly appointed chargé d’affaires of the Syrian embassy in the United States is a known terrorist and former prominent member of the Al-Qaida affiliate group Jabhat al-Nusra.

Like his boss and erstwhile leader of Jabhat al-Nusra, Muhammad Al-Julani who has been re-christened as ‘Ahmed al-Sharaa’ in his new role as US-backed Syrian president, his presence and job title tell a clear story about the reality of US foreign policy and the central role it plays in the existence and spread of so-called “Islamic terrorism” around the world.

At a time when the US is making noises about carrying out airstrikes against another Al-Qaida affiliate group in northern Mali, Qatanari’s appointment should make it abundantly clear once and for all that the preeminent danger to Africa and the rest of the world is in fact, the United States of America and its hideously dishonest and violent imperial foreign policy.

• Britain’s BATUK To Resume Cancelled Training Exercise In Kenya

Barely a week after withholding its licenses from the British Army Training Unit in Kenya (BATUK) for its 2026 training program in Kenya amid public backlash, the Kenyan government has reportedly backtracked on its decision, and the training program will now proceed as planned.

Throughout its 60-plus years of “operating” in Kenya, BATUK has left a trail of atrocities in its wake. This latest decision by the Kenyan government is a betrayal of the many victims of BATUK’s crimes, who have been seeking justice for decades.

Yet such a betrayal is sadly to be expected of a Western puppet regime.

• African Proverb Of The Week

Africa has not been in control of its own affairs for a very long time. Today, most of the continent’s policies are dictated, and nearly all its systems controlled, by the West – the very same West which has plundered the continent for 500 years.

This East African proverb reminds us that those who do not and have never belonged in Africa have no business dictating African affairs, and if Africa is ever to rise, it must reclaim its destiny from these greedy pigs.

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It is time to stop mirroring these failing Western models. Africa must look inward, cultivate its own political and moral integrity, and forge a path rooted in its own reality.

• South Africans, Blame Cecil Rhodes, Not Your Fellow Africans

Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) President Julius Malema is one of the few mainstream political leaders in South Africa who has never been shy to name the true enemy of South Africa’s impoverished black majority population.

In this public lecture delivered at the University of Limpopo on Thursday 23 July 2026, Malema once again addressed the elephant in the room that too many of his political contemporaries are afraid to acknowledge - that South Africa has a European capitalist problem, and not an African “immigrant” problem.

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• We’re Rebuilding the Military So Future Generations Don’t Face T*rrorism

As Burkina Faso President Ibrahim Traoré lauded the 25th graduating class of student-officers (or cadets) on 26 July at the Georges-Namoano Military Academy (AMGN), he proclaimed that the country is rebuilding its military capacity so that future Burkinabè won’t have to deal with foreign-backed t*rrorism.

The 2011 US-led NATO invasion of Libya flooded the Sahel with arms and militants, turning the more than 3-million-square-kilometre African region into the world’s ‘epicentre of t*rrorism’ by 2022, according to the Institute for Economics and Peace’s Global T*rrorism Index.

Are you interested in getting your country onto the Sahelian path? Drop us a comment.

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Video credit: @SALEHAHMATbo (X)

• Wode Maya: Why Do Africans Keep Colonial Borders?

Ghanaian YouTuber Wode Maya recently climbed to the Nimba Tri-Point, where Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana and Liberia’s borders meet, and he had a few words to say about the historical absurdity that is Africa’s ongoing balkanisation via externally-determined borders drawn at the infamous Berlin Conference of 1885.

Wode Maya is a proud Pan-Africanist and a proponent of the Borderless Africa campaign alongside hip-hop superstar and fellow Ghanaian Sarkodie and many other prominent African figures. The Spearhead is proud to support the Borderless Africa campaign.

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Video credit: @mrghanababy (IG)

• Tanzania Unveils Cross-Border Gas Pipeline to Kenya and Uganda

Tanzania’s plan to supply natural gas to Kenya and Uganda through a single cross-border pipeline is a clear example of what African energy cooperation can look like.

Rather than building isolated national systems, East African countries can share infrastructure, strengthen regional energy security, and use African resources to support African development.

• Burkina Faso Inaugurates Pô Kapro Dam To Boost Food Sovereignty

Burkina Faso is forging ahead on its path to food sovereignty. The latest milestone came on July 25, 2026, where Burkinabé President Captain Ibrahim Traoré inaugurated the 1.1 million cubic-meter-capacity Pô Kapro Dam, located in the country’s Nazinon region.

This dam will provide more reliable water supply for Burkinabé farmers, boosting agriculture and living standards.

France and its fellow Western nations are welcome to keep crying.

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Burkina Faso’s President, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, has exposed an attempt by Western intelligence agencies to introduce biological weapons into his country, showing a pattern of foreign interference that can no longer be overlooked.

‎From the illegal 1996 Pfizer drug trial in Kano to concerns over US-funded biological research laboratories in countries such as Nigeria, Sierra Leone, and Uganda, Africa has too often been treated as a testing ground rather than an equal partner.

‎The larger issue is sovereignty. Why do foreign governments continue to involve themselves in African affairs?

• David Hundeyin: Global Powers Did Not Become Wealthy Through “Democracy”

Are intellectual dishonesty and ideological duplicity the only things that Africa should expect from any Western incursions into its information spaces?

Speaking during a public panel session on News Central Television on Thursday 23 July, 2026, Nigerian investigative journalist and founder of The Spearhead, David Hundeyin made the point that not only do western powers fund the intellectual misdirection of Africa’s “educated” classes via their funded civil society extensions, but they also do not even acknowledge that the source of their modern wealth - colonialism and neocolonialism - had nothing to do with internal “democracy”, and everything to do with the extractive dictatorship they have imposed across Africa and the Global South.

Do you agree with David? Drop us a comment and don’t forget to follow The Spearhead.

• Omali Yeshitela: Only African Revolution Can End Imperialism

Omali Yeshitela traces modern global inequality to the 1884 Berlin Conference, where European powers partitioned Africa to exploit its resources for Western development.

He argues that this systemic division necessitates an African revolution to dismantle imperial structures and achieve a unified “One Africa, One Nation”.

• Why Do Africans Try to Be Like Individualistic Europeans?

In this clip with the Rev Dr Philippe Shock Matthews, clinical and industrial psychologist Edwin J Nichols, PhD, breaks down how inherently different African culture is from European culture.

Trying so hard to be something we aren’t could explain why our people struggle to obtain sovereignty decades after winning flag independence.

Drop us a comment on how we can break out of this paradigm.

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Video credit: Philippe SHOCK Matthews (YouTube)

• Somalia Moves To Digitize 75 Years Of Its History

In a move which the rest of Africa would do well to learn from, Somalia is preserving its national history by digitizing the archives of its fabled Pan-Africanist radio station, Radio Mogadishu.

In this report, The Spearhead dives into this inspiring development, which kicked off officially in 2012.

• Africans Need To Start Thinking Critically – General Abdourahamane Tiani

In this excerpt from an exclusive interview with Radio télévision du Niger (RTN), aired on July 25, 2026, Nigerien President General Abdourahamane Tiani sheds light on the external forces sponsoring t*rrorism in the Sahel, and challenges Africans to never trust the surface narratives about their own continent fed to them by Western media, but always look deeper.

Since severing ties with former colonizer France in 2023, Niger has continued to record political, social and economic winds. It has shared the fruits of this progress with its fellow Alliance of Sahel States (AES) members, Mali and Burkina Faso.

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The question is, how long will Africans allow their weak-willed “leaders” to impose this neocolonial insult upon them?

Okorie Uche reports for The Spearhead.

• Why Do Africans Seek Love From Those Who Don’t Love Us? – Captain Ibrahim Traoré

On July 16, 2026, Burkina Faso President Captain Ibrahim Traoré paid a visit to the city of Ouahigouya in the Yaadga region of his country, and delivered a powerful address to the Burkinabé people, and the people of Africa as a whole.

In this quote from the Yaadga address, Traoré calls out the strange tendency of Africans to constantly seek love and validation from the societies that have been trying to wipe them out for over 400 years.

The definition of a toxic relationship.

• The White Man’s Arrogance Makes Him Stupid – Captain Ibrahim Traoré

On July 16, 2026, Burkina Faso President Captain Ibrahim Traoré paid a visit to the city of Ouahigouya in the Yaadga region of his country, and delivered a powerful address to the Burkinabé people, and the people of Africa as a whole.

An address which is presently sending shockwaves across Africa’s information space.

In this excerpt from the Yaadga address, Traoré comments on why Burkina Faso has been under attack for the last 10 years, and the arrogance of the Western backers behind this terror campaign.

This arrogance, Traoré observes, is rooted in colonialism, and has made the enemies of Africa increasingly more desperate and increasingly more predictable, as the continent continues to break its colonial chains.

• Omali Yeshitela: Only African Revolution Can End Imperialism

Omali Yeshitela traces modern global inequality to the 1884 Berlin Conference, where European powers partitioned Africa to exploit its resources for Western development.

He argues that this systemic division necessitates an African revolution to dismantle imperial structures and achieve a unified “One Africa, One Nation”.

• Joshua Maponga: Stop Parroting Other People’s Ideologies!

Why are so many educated Africans unable to think outside the western-imposed paradigm of “democracy” concerning what style of governance would work best for their countries?

In this clip, Zimbabwean author and philosopher Joshua Maponga has a go at this class of Africans for their habit of repeating western ideas and narratives with no attempt to come up with an original thought of their own.

Do you agree with him? Let us know in the comments. Don’t forget to follow The Spearhead.

• U.S. Defies Kenyan Court Over Ebola Quarantine

Despite a court order stopping the construction of a US government Ebola Virus Disease quarantine centre at a US airbase in Kenya, the facility has been built anyway and several American citizens who were recently in the DRC are currently undergoing quarantine in the illegal facility.

The Kenyan court gave an order expressly forbidding a foreign government from exposing nearly 60 million Kenyans to a deadly foreign virus, and the foreign government simply ignored the court order and went ahead to do exactly that with no pushback whatsoever from William Ruto’s administration.

When international alliances override local judicial orders and public opposition, we must ask: who are our leaders really serving? True sovereignty is only meaningful when a government is confident enough to say “no” to protect its people.

Kangmwa Gofwen examines this infuriating story for The Spearhead.

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An address which is presently sending shockwaves across Africa’s information space.

In this report for the Spearhead, Barra Hart shares his thoughts on 3 key moments from this address, and what they mean for Africa’s future.

• A European Ambassador Has No Right To Lecture Ghana

In a blatant display of diplomatic overreach, outgoing Swiss Ambassador Simone Giger has attempted to lecture Ghana on its own governance. By publicly criticizing the centralization of power within the Ghanaian presidency, Giger has overstepped her role and insulted the nation’s sovereignty. It is time to end the cycle of Western diplomats dictating how African countries should be run; Ghana’s constitutional and political matters belong to Ghanaians alone.

• CIA Officer: U.S. Military Bases Enable Child Trafficking

Former CIA officer Robert David Steele (1952-2021) claims in this clip from the 2020 documentary, ‘A Thousand Pieces,’ that the CIA uses US military bases around the world to smuggle gold, g*ns, dr*gs, cash, and children for US elites.

It should be noted that no one truly knows how many US military sites exist due to a lack of information from the US government. US military veteran and psychologist Monisha Rios estimates the figure in the thousands if any type of US military installation is included.

The crimes these bases enable is exactly why Africans must ardently oppose foreign military bases in Africa. Drop us a comment if you agree.

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Video credit: ‘A Thousand Pieces,’ Roger R. Richards & Steve Lucescu (2020)

• Conditions Worsen In Eastern DRC Despite US “Peace Deal”

7 months after US President Donald Trump brokered a “peace deal” between the DRC and Rwanda, Congo is still bleeding. Fighting continues in Eastern DRC between the Congolese army and the Rwanda-backed M23 militia, with over 60,000 displaced as of just this May, and several thousands more dead from either the violence or the Ebola outbreak confirmed by the DRC Health Ministry the same month.

And through it all, the US companies which secured access to the DRC’s critical mineral through Trump’s “peace deal” have continued to plunder the DRC, unperturbed by the crisis.

How much longer will Africa continue to fall for the West’s promises of “aid”, “partnership” and “peace”?

• US-Based Climate NGO “Opposes” Kenya’s New Oil Refinery Project

To absolutely no-one’s surprise, US-based “environmental advocacy” NGO, Greenpeace, through its African chapter, Greenpeace Africa, has expressed its disapproval of a new oil refinery project in Kenya, which will be built by Dangote Group, and drastically reduce East Africa’s dependency on fuel imports.

In this report, The Spearhead examines the true motives behind this latest ideological assault on Africa’s push for energy wealth by one of its many self-proclaimed external saviors.

The United States, where Greenpeace is based, remains the 2nd largest environmental polluter, in terms of CO2 emissions, on Earth, while the entire African continent accounts for less than 4% of global greenhouse gas emissions.

• British Military Training In Kenya Cancelled Amid Growing Public Anger

The Kenyan government has withheld licenses from the British Army Training Unit in Kenya (BATUK) for its 2026 training program in Kenya, amid public backlash.

This backlash is itself the consequence of increasing awareness, among Kenyans, Africans and the wider international community, about the true role of the British Army in the lives of ordinary Kenyans.

A role which has left a trail of misery and death in its wake.

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This incidentally, is the exact kind of Foreign Information Manipulation & Interference (FIMI) operation that the US government regularly accuses other actors of in Africa and around the world. Whether every accusation is indeed a confession, the one thing we know for certain is that this cannot be good news for Africa.

What suspicious anti-Africa messaging have you spotted lately on social media? Drop us a comment.

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• French MP: UAE Ships French Arms to W*r-Torn Sudan

French MP Nadège Abomangoli demanded on Radio France Internationale that the French government expand its arms embargo to prevent the United Arab Emirates (UAE) from sending French w*apons to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) paramilitary in Sudan.

For three years, the RSF has fought the Sudanese Armed Forces in a foreign-backed proxy war that has emptied gold reserves and flattened cities. To this day, 8.8 million Sudanese remain internally displaced. In August 2025, former US envoy to Sudan Tom Perriello told the New York Times that the death toll might be as high as 400,000.

What do you think of Abomangoli’s demand? Drop us a comment.

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Video credit: RFI

• U.K. Lectures Africa on “Free Speech” But Censors U.K. Journalists

A trove of documents disclosed by ’s after a Freedom of Information (FOI) request reveals the bottom-barrel level of “free speech” in the UK, showing many African countries have a freer press than the former coloniser.

Are you surprised to hear the UK censors journalists more than African governments do?

Drop us a comment.

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• Senegal President Faye Throws Support Behind Predecessor Sall In UNSG Race

Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye has thrown his full weight behind the man who once imprisoned him.

On July 17, 2026, President Faye instructed his country’s Foreign Ministry to mobilize support for former Senegalese President Macky Sall, in the latter’s bid for the role of United Nations Secretary-General (UNSG).

This move has been described by observers as a strategic political maneuver on the part of Faye, amid his fallout with campaign partner and former Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko.

The Spearhead will continue to monitor the situation.

• DRC Calls For Sovereign-Based Global Doctrine On Natural Resources

Africa’s natural resources should build African prosperity first.

According to Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner, DR Congo’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, when the world’s technology depends on our minerals, but the communities that produce them remain poor, something is fundamentally wrong.

True progress, she says, means ensuring that the people who provide the world’s raw materials also share in the wealth, opportunity, and dignity they create.

• AES Is Africa’s Testing Ground For Total Liberation

Professor Franklin Nyamsi of the Mali War School calls on Africans to simultaneously wage intellectual, military and spiritual battles to liberate Africa from continued colonisation. He recommends that we go back to praying facing the centre of the continent, like our ancestors had done thousands of years ago, because land is sacred.

Do you agree with the professor that the spiritual battle is critical? Drop us a comment.

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• Dr Philip Njemanze: ‘Bill Gates Planned Organ and Egg Harvesting in Nigeria’

When Nigerian healthcare professionals told billionaire Bill Gates that he was “ins*ne” to want to harvest Nigerian women’s eggs, Gates retorted that he already owned the 216 hospitals where that would occur.

How would you have responded to Gates’ caucacity? Drop us a comment.

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Video credit: @universalheritagetvnaija1694 (YouTube)

• Ghana Court Sentences Chairman Wontumi To 20 Years Imprisonment For Illegal Mining

For years, Ghana has been plagued by the seemingly intractable problem of environmentally destructive artisanal gold mining, known locally as ‘Galamsey’. Driven by multiple social and economic factors including lack of opportunities in rural regions, politically connected illegal mining kingpins, and lax enforcement, Galamsey has destroyed natural ecosystems, silted up dams, and poisoned water sources used by local populations with toxic heavy metals including mercury and arsenic.

Fast forward to 20 July 2026, and Ghana’s High Court sentenced Bernard Antwi-Boasiako, the Ashanti Regional Chairman of the New Patriotic Party (NPP), to 20 years in prison over illegal mining activities of his company Akonta Mining Company Limited, on the Samreboi concession in the country’s Western Region.

Chairman Wontumi, as he is popularly known, must also pay a fine of 120,000 Ghana cedis ($10,376).

Is this punishment fair or long overdue? Drop us a comment.

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• African Proverb Of The Week

In the African cultural context, the collective is the ultimate source of power. Reality is viewed not as a sum of parts, but a whole, and the community as a circle that can never be broken. Children are a part of that whole, and it becomes the collective responsibility of the community to ensure they are raised well. And so it was long before the European colonizer ever stepped foot on the African continent.

The African collective nurtured, protected, preserved and thrived.

Thanks to centuries of colonialism, this truth has been mostly forgotten. Modern African communities are ruled over by Western puppet regimes that impose the West’s predation on the masses. Rather than nurture, protect and preserve the future leaders and visionaries of the continent, far too many African states are happy to abandon their children to poverty, sickness and abuse.

This Northeast African proverb reminds us that for Africa to rise again, it must remember its ancient wisdom, and unify against the parasites who forced it to forget.

• Sudan’s Identity Crisis Benefits Colonial Powers and Complicit Local Elites

Sudanese artist Tarek Abdelkhalig says Sudanese being confused about their true identity as Africans allows local elites and foreign powers to provoke war to exploit their lands. This has led to 8.8 million people remaining internally displaced since 2023.

Do you agree with Tarek? Drop us a comment.

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Video credit: @shabakakush (Instagram)

• Guinea-Bissau Suspends Diplomatic Relations With Historical Ally Cape Verde

Guinea-Bissau has suspended diplomatic ties with its former anti-colonial ally Cape Verde, after the latter’s government called for the release of a prominent Bissau-Guinean opposition leader, representing the revolutionary party that once united the two countries.

What does this latest, troubling development mean for Africa, and why should Africans pay attention?

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Ghanaian hip-hop superstar Sarkodie is not one of them. His latest single titled ‘Ibrahim Traore’ directly takes aim at the attempted imperialist targeting of Burkina Faso’s revolutionary president, urging Africans to close ranks around Traore and protect the nascent political revolution in the AES.

For The Spearhead, McKay Chukwu, who has been active in the entertainment industry reviews the new single and gives his informed verdict.

• Protests Erupt in Italy’s Bologna City After Moroccan Man Dies Under Police Restraint

Protests against police brutality broke out in the northern Italian city of Bologna after Abderrahim Fakir, a 42-year-old Moroccan, died in police custody on 19 July. He could be heard crying for help and saying “Enough!”

Many non-Europeans have complained of xenophobic and anti-Black sentiment in Italy.

Have you ever experienced r*cism in Italy? Drop us a comment.

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Video credit: europa and 4 DI SERA NEWS.

• Six Months After Trump’s Peace Deal, DRC Takes Rwanda to ICJ

Six months after the Washington Accords for Peace and Prosperity were signed, the promise of peace in the Eastern DRC remains unfulfilled.

With the DRC now taking Rwanda to the International Court of Justice (ICJ), we have to point out that these foreign-led agreements don’t prioritize genuine peace but rather access to critical mineral resources.

As residents in Goma continue to wait for relief, it is becoming clear that external agendas often sideline the sovereignty and needs of local communities.

True stability cannot be transactional; it must be built. The path forward lies in African-led, homegrown solutions focusing on regional diplomacy, sovereignty, and lasting peace instead of the scramble for natural wealth.

• Julius Malema: Africa’s True Friends Are China, Russia, Cuba, Palestine and Iran

Pan-Africanist Julius Malema gave these sharp remarks at the Botswana National Front’s (BNF) national conference, held 18-20 July 2026 in the southern African country’s Jwaneng town.

The BNF holds state power in Botswana, with party leader Duma Boko serving as the country’s president.

Do you agree with Malema bashing the United States in favour of China, Cuba, Iran, Palestine and Russia? Drop us a comment.

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Video credit: BTV News

• Former CIA Official Nominated As US Ambassador To Rwanda

The nomination of Nicholas Checker, a former CIA official, as the next US Ambassador to Rwanda shows a strategic shift in Washington’s diplomatic posture. With his background in the Middle East and the Horn of Africa, Checker’s appointment suggests that the US is increasingly viewing its relationship with Rwanda through a security and intelligence lens, particularly amid ongoing tensions regarding the conflict in eastern DR Congo and allegations involving the M23 rebel group.

As the US moves to potentially increase scrutiny of Rwanda’s regional influence, Kigali faces the delicate challenge of engaging with this new diplomatic reality while firmly defending its own national interests and sovereignty.

• Anti-Corruption Efforts In The Sahel Have Improved: Mo Ibrahim Foundation

The Mo Ibrahim Foundation (everywhere else) ] has released a report revealing that Alliance of Sahel States (AES) members Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso have seen significant improvements in anti-corruption since the popular revolutions in each country.

Given that the Mo Ibrahim Foundation is led by staunch anti-revolutionary and neocolonialism denialist Mohammed Fathi Ahmed Ibrahim, this report speaks to the otherwise undeniably growing influence of the AES in Africa’s political, cultural and information space.

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Decolonizing our institutions requires us to confront the uncomfortable reality that many of our “standard” procedures were never designed to serve the people—they were designed to alienate them. By questioning these relics, the ULS is asking an important question for the entire continent: Are we ready to dismantle the systems that keep us rooted in the past, or will we continue to perform deference to a power structure that isn’t our own?

True sovereignty begins when we stop mimicking the colonizer’s script and start writing our own.

• Burkinabé Government Grants Permit On First Fully State-Operated Mine To State-Owned Mining Company

In the latest assertion of its sovereignty, the government of Burkina Faso has granted state-owned miner SOPAMIB license to mine the country’s first fully state-operated gold mine, the Bouboulou gold mine. The government made this decision on July 9, 2026, with expectation that the mine will generate over $67 million dollars for the country’s development.

Since severing ties with former colonizer France in the people-backed revolution of September 2022, Burkina Faso has continued to record massive social, political and economic progress.

• China Proved the West Wrong On Housing. Should Africa Pay Attention?

Amid Western media parrots stoking fears of China’s economy collapsing due to a 24% decrease in real estate value since 2021, The Spearhead presents the facts.

Turns out that Africa would benefit greatly from abandoning the predatory, speculative, Western real estate model, which crashed the global economy in 2008, and adopting China’s socialist model.

• Tanzania Adopts Long-term Planning Model to Achieve $1 Trillion Economy

Tanzania is embarking on a transformative economic journey, launching its first five-year National Development Plan (2026/27–2030/31) as a strategic roadmap toward becoming a $1 trillion upper-middle-income economy by 2050.

Mirroring the disciplined, multi-year planning model that helped transform China from an agrarian economy into a global manufacturing hub, Tanzania’s strategy relies on successive plans to guide infrastructure expansion, industrialization, and job creation.

This long-term, cycle-based approach shows a shift toward consistent development aimed at fostering inclusive, sustainable prosperity.

• Ousmane Sonko: Africa Must No Longer Stay Silent on Sl*very & C*lonisation

Former Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko tells Al Jazeera that Africans should own the conversation on r*parations for the European sl*ve trade and c*lonialism.

Do you agree? Drop us a comment.

For more like this, follow The Spearhead.

Video credit: Al Jazeera

• Dr Umar Johnson: Rich or Poor, Black People Are Still Not Free From White Capitalist System

There is a longstanding argument within politically left-wing and anti-imperialist spaces regarding the role of racism in a capitalist system that breeds class stratifications.

Many orthodox Marxists argue that economic class is the primary source of division, and it thus outranks race as a primary social consideration for those who wish to improve the world. Pan-Africanists like Dr. Umar Johnson however, argue that race comes before class by virtue of its ability to transcend class barriers and unite different economic groups into shared, ubiquitous social experiences.

After watching this video, do you agree with Umar Johnson?

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From the dismissal of reparations claims to the bizarre revisionism of the British Empire as a “flourishing” force, these talking points are a systemic deployment of identity used to sanitize prejudice.

This analysis by McKay Chukwu exposes how the politics of “minority” representation are being weaponized to protect imperial interests.

• Ibrahim Traoré: Western Intelligence Operatives Admit Using Bioweapons In Africa

The long and well-documented use of Africans and their territories as non-consenting test subjects for weapons trials, medical experiments and bioweapons testing has long been deliberately misrepresented as a “fringe conspiracy theory” on mainstream media platforms that are owned, funded or controlled by the predatory interests behind such activity.

Not even the highly publicised 1996 scandal involving pharmaceutical giant Pfizer and its disastrous human trial for the (failed) meningitis drug Trovan in the Nigerian city of Kano, which left hundreds of children dead or permanently deformed, was enough to break the media omerta about one of the world’s dirtiest secrets.

Perhaps this anecdote from Burkinabé president Ibrahim Traoré, taken from a speech delivered on 16 July, 2026 in the country’s Yaadga region, will move the needle closer towards a general public awareness in Africa that foreign governments, pharmaceutical corporations, and private foundations routinely and regularly use Africans for biological experiments of all kinds without our knowledge or consent.

• ICYM Darline Graham Sworn In as Replacement for Brother Lindsey Graham in the US Senate

On Tuesday 14 July, 2026, Darline Graham was sworn in to replace her late brother Lindsey Graham, who died on July 11, as a United States senator. Anywhere else but in the US, which parades itself as the self-styled foremost defender of democracy and freedom, the appointment of the sister of a major ally of President Donald Trump, followed by Trump boasting on social media about recommending her as a “fabulous tribute” to Graham would have been described in very clear and unflattering terms.

Africa regularly faces smug criticism and self-righteous posturing from Western talking heads over nepotism and the concentration of political influence within certain families. Yet when the exact same things happen in the supposed “democracies” of the Western world, they are explained away or hurriedly glossed over.

The issue is not about whether Darline Graham is qualified to be a senator. It is that there is no consistency governing how political behaviour is judged and reported in the Global North and in the Global South. If familial power transitions are considered a threat to democracy in Kigali and Harare, then the same standards must apply in Washington DC and Calgary.

Ultimately, the lesson for Africa is that it must entirely disregard all pontification and posturing from the Global North and focus on building systems of governance that respond to its own history, culture, and realities. As has been the case for the past 500 years, Western words are not sincere enough to be worth the paper they are printed on. It is time to finally learn the lesson that history has spent half a millennium trying to teach us.

• West Africa’s Top Cocoa Producers Form Alliance On Local Processing

Nigeria, Ghana, Cameroon and Côte d’Ivoire, Africa’s top cocoa producers, are about to enter a new era of value addition for this crucial commodity, together. This was announced at the inaugural 2026 Cocoa Value Addition Summit, which was held in Abuja, Nigeria, on July 14.

In 2025, export revenue from cocoa between these four nations stood at at least $6 billion. With these nations now agreeing to locally process their cocoa, that revenue is sure to skyrocket in the coming years.

Though most of these countries sadly continue to be governed by Western puppet regimes, this development is a welcome step towards the kind of development-focused, Pan-African collaboration that Africa sorely needs.

• Thomas Sankara’s Famous Speech on Empowering Burkinabè Women

“There is no true social revolution without the liberation of women.”

This was the core challenge issued by Thomas Sankara, the revolutionary leader of Burkina Faso, during his 1987 address on the emancipation of women. Sankara made it clear that women’s equality is a fundamental, non-negotiable necessity for the success of any genuine social revolution.

Sankara pushed beyond the status quo, arguing that society could not achieve true progress while half of its population remained relegated to silence and anonymity. By demanding the dismantling of the patriarchal structures that institutionalized exploitation, he insisted that the measure of a society’s advancement lies in its commitment to equal rights for all.

His words remain a powerful, enduring call to action, reminding us that any revolution that leaves equality behind is fundamentally incomplete.

• David Miller: Mossad Backed French Efforts Against Algeria’s Anti-Colonial Struggle

British sociologist David Miller examines the historical role of “ha-Misgeret,” a Mossad-backed organization active in North Africa during the 1950s.

This conversation highlights how this group engaged in military actions against the National Liberation Front (FLN) in Algeria and infiltrated security services in Morocco to facilitate secret operations.

Miller posits that these historical intelligence activities, ranging from arms caches to the forced removal of Jewish children, established a pattern of clandestine cooperation that continues to influence the diplomatic and security relationships between Israel and the Maghreb today.

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What I want is Marxism and Communism to be placed in the service of the Black peoples — and not the Black peoples in the service of Marxism and Communism.

— Aimé Césaire, Letter of Resignation from the French Communist Party, 1956

AFRICAN YEAST

Introduction

We have observed, with growing concern, a recurring friction in our ranks between those who approach socialist politics through the lens of Pan-Africanism (a camp we belong to) and those who approach it through what we call – for reasons we shall explain in the next section – a “Supermarxist” framework.

This tension has manifested, repeatedly, in squabbles, in group purges, in call-outs, in the conflation of legitimate Pan-Africanist analysis with sensationalism on one end and a strict, colour-blind internationalist analysis as a psyop on the other. As we have said before, and we shall repeat here again, this is the result of wrong applications of theory that, left unaddressed, will continue to reproduce exactly this kind of rupture within our movement.

Addressing it seriously, then, requires that we first identify its roots. This pamphlet is the product of that undertaking. The argument itself is organised as follows. First, we identify the strand of thinking in question and explain why we borrow the label “Supermarxist” to describe it. Second, we locate the principal error that generates everything else: the misidentification of concrete material conditions. Third, we characterise the observable tendencies this error produces. Fourth, we enumerate the specific charges this tendency levels against Pan-Africanism and refute each one dialectically. Lastly, we close by appealing that we not only apply material analysis to concrete material conditions but also ourselves, in the form of self-analysis.

Who is a Supermarxist?

“Ce qu’il y a de certain, c’est que moi, je ne suis pas marxiste”

English: “What is certain is that I am not a Marxist”

— Karl Marx, reportedly to Paul Lafargue

The term “Supermarxist” is one we have borrowed from Opoku Agyeman, who used it as a critical label for those African Marxist scholars at the University of Dar es Salaam (the so-called Dar es Salaam School of African Marxologists) whom he accused of placing rigid, orthodox Marxism above the concrete concerns of Pan-African liberation. His contention then was that these scholars had subordinated the specific material realities of colonised and neo-colonised African peoples to a universal class struggle framework derived from 19th-century European capitalism and had done so with a dogmatic certainty that brooked no modification.

It is 2026, not 1978, yet Marxism — properly applied to African conditions today — remains just as indispensable. It is precisely because we take Marxism seriously that we do not use the term “Supermarxism” lightly. What it names is, in effect, pseudo-Marxism: the mechanical, copy-paste application of a framework as though it were a closed set of eternal laws, rather than a method of analysis demanding fresh application to each concrete condition.

The contemporary Supermarxist tendency we address is, more specifically, Trotskyist-Internationalist in character. It holds that:

• The primary contradiction in any social formation is always and everywhere class.

• Race is a superstructure — a distraction from the real motor of history.

• The correct organisational form is the international workers’ party oriented to the formal proletariat;

• Pan-Africanism is a form of bourgeois nationalism that obscures class divisions and serves the interests of the African petty bourgeoisie;

• Anti-imperialist governments and movements that do not conform to this form are suspects to be opposed or at best withheld solidarity from.

These positions, taken together, constitute not just an intellectual posture but a political programme. And it is the political consequences of such a programme, its correctness, or lack thereof, when measured against the concrete conditions of Africa today, that we shall contest in the next sections.

What is the Supermarxist error?

The concrete analysis of concrete conditions is the living soul of Marxism.

— V.I. Lenin

Now that we have more context on who a Supermarxist is, let us identify their common mistake. Every charge, every tendency, every practical error we shall address flows from a single basis: the misidentification, or even outright dismissal, of the concrete material conditions of Africans.

Comrades who, by instinct or methodology, fall into this camp tend to defend their position by invoking the scientific character of Marxism as a shield: “Marxism is scientific — therefore you cannot apply it wrongly. To accuse us of dogmatism is itself unscientific.” They have often used this specific analogy: “You cannot apply Einstein’s theory of general relativity incorrectly, because it is scientific.”

Such an analogy, on closer examination, in fact, proves our point rather than theirs.

Einstein’s theory is valid precisely because it maps onto the actual constants and conditions of this universe. The speed of light is constant not because Einstein assumed it but because reality imposed it on Einstein through patient, often painstaking empirical observation. That grounding in material reality is what makes the theory scientific. Remove that grounding and apply the equations while assuming a different speed of light, and you get results that are precise, rigorous, and even internally coherent but completely wrong.

Theory + Correct Empirical Conditions → Valid Conclusions

The scientific method is such that if you get the empirical conditions wrong, the conclusions are wrong even if the theory is perfect. Such is not a failure of the theory but a failure of application. And it is a failure that is entirely possible, common, and dangerous.

This is not hypothetical or hyperbole; it happens, demonstrably, even within natural science. Newtonian mechanics applied to Mercury’s orbit gave wrong predictions, not because Newton was wrong about the domain, but because the empirical baseline was incomplete. And before Lister finally convinced the medical establishment of the need for antiseptic practice, there was Ignaz Semmelweis – the Hungarian doctor who discovered and demonstrated the relationship between unwashed hands and childbirth mortality and was denounced and institutionally destroyed by colleagues who were absolutely certain that their scientific training meant their conclusions could not be wrong.

The certitude of mastery, divorced from concrete observation, has always been the most dangerous form of error. Marx himself understood this. The correct identification of material conditions was not, for him, preliminary to the analysis — it was the analysis. He identified real constants of capitalism as he observed it: surplus value extraction, class contradiction, capital accumulation, and so on. But he derived these from specific empirical conditions — those of industrial England and Europe more broadly: a European proletariat, pre-financialised capital, societies without racial-colonial structuring.

He did not begin with theory and apply it to reality; he began with the reality of European capitalism and built theory from it. By the time he wrote Capital, he had spent years in the British Museum studying actual factory records, actual wage data, actual production statistics of nineteenth-century England. His theory is scientific because it emerged from such concrete material investigation.

Marx said as much clearly: when Russian comrades asked him whether his analysis of primitive accumulation applied universally to all societies, he replied, in his 1881 correspondence with Vera Zasulich, that his analysis was limited to Western Europe and could not be mechanically transplanted elsewhere. A man who wrote that cannot honestly be invoked to justify applying his English analysis to 21st-century Nigeria.

Walter Rodney, throughout his works (Decolonial Marxism, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Groundings With My Brothers, etc.), demonstrated with meticulous empirical rigour what Marx’s method actually produces when applied to African conditions: an analysis in which race and colonial extraction are not superstructural appendages but the very mechanisms of capital accumulation.

Rodney was not abandoning Marxism — he was doing what Marx had done, beginning with the concrete conditions of the society he was analysing and building theory from them. Amílcar Cabral made the same methodological point in practice. In Towards African Revolution and elsewhere, Cabral insisted on what he called a “return to the source” – a rigorous, empirical investigation of the specific social formations, class structures, and productive relations of each African society – as the precondition for any correct political line. His concept of the petty bourgeoisie “committing class suicide” and his account of the role of culture in a people’s struggle for liberation were not theoretical oversights. They were concrete responses to the concrete finding that Cabo Verde and Guinea-Bissau lacked an industrial proletariat large enough to serve as the classical revolutionary subject.

Do comrades see what we are saying? Is the suggestion, then, that Cabral’s return to culture — a people’s own identity and historical memory mobilised in their struggle against imperialism — was somehow non-Marxist? That Rodney, in centring race and colonial plunder, had strayed from Marxist analysis? If so, then it is the Supermarxist, not Rodney or Cabral, who has parted ways with Marx’s own method, which began always with the concrete and built theory from it. The Supermarxist inverts this entirely; they begin with theory and subordinate African reality to it. That is not science. It is dogma.

They may respond, “But the fundamental laws of capitalism — exploitation, surplus value, class struggle — are universal and timeless; we are applying those, not the specific 19th-century instance.” Fine. Then account for South Africa under apartheid, whose legacy persists today: a Black and a white mineworker, both formally proletarian, both owning nothing but their labour, neither with land nor capital. Reduce class to bare exploitation, to ownership versus non-ownership of the means of production, and the two men occupy the same position. Concrete material reality tells us otherwise. The white man supervises; the Black man is confined to unskilled work, however talented he is. The Black man is paid a fraction of the wages paid to the white man. The white man goes home; the Black man goes to a shack. One man’s floor was the other’s ceiling, in the same mine, on the same shift. Peter Abrahams’s Xuma witnessed this floor and ceiling, their naked dialectics, in Mine Boy. His experience is proof enough for us: that the underground, for him, regardless of competence, was his permanent station.

Which analysis is scientific — the one that abstracts away this form of exploitation with a colour line running straight through it, or the one that accounts for it?

A universal law that cannot explain a central feature of African material reality is not being applied scientifically. It is being applied selectively, which is the definition of dogmatism.

The most dangerous version of this is not the crude, uneducated misapplication. It is the misapplication by the most studied, most theoretically sophisticated comrade — because the deeper the mastery of theory, the more convincing its misapplication sounds (especially to them) and the more consequential its effect. The usual certitude of the Supermarxist goes: I have the right formula, demonstrably so; therefore, my analysis must be correct. But the most studied comrade in the room is not automatically the most correct one.

Correct analysis requires two things equally: the soundness of the theoretical framework and an accurate reading of the concrete material conditions. Get the material conditions wrong, and no degree of precision in Marxist theory will save the analysis from being false.

Following Rodney’s and Cabral’s example, then, let us be even more precise about exactly where the Supermarxist misreads the African material condition — in three specific and consequential ways. First, they apply the framework of industrial capitalism to a continent whose insertion into capitalism was never industrial in the classical sense.

Africa was not incorporated into global capitalism as an industrialising partner; it was incorporated as a continent of total extraction — of enslaved labour, of raw materials, of land. The capitalism that came to Africa was racial capitalism from the outset: a system in which race was not an ideological varnish on an underlying economic logic, but the very mechanism through which that logic operated. Land dispossession was organised by race. Labour coercion was organised by race. Political exclusion was organised by race. So to analyse capitalism in Africa since first contact, specifically its offshoots in the form of extractivism and imperialism, without accounting for how race constitutes it is misguided.

Second, they apply the classical proletariat-bourgeoisie framework to class formations that do not fit it. The African comprador class is not a classical national bourgeoisie; it did not develop organically from merchant capital to industrial capital. It emerged largely as an administrative and intermediary layer within the colonial and neocolonial state apparatus, its wealth flowing not from the exploitation of domestic productive labour and resources in general but from rent, commissions, contracts, licensing fees, and resource concessions — the various forms of surplus that accrue to a middleman in a relationship of structural dependency it did not create and cannot seriously control. Given this, it has no objective interest in developing national productive forces. This transforms the analysis of internal class struggle entirely.

Third, the overwhelming majority of the African labouring population does not fit the orthodox proletarian schema. Peasants, smallholder farmers, informal urban workers, petty traders, market women, artisans — these are the actual proletarians of Africa, and their relationship to capital is mediated, indirect, and structurally different from that of the classical factory worker. The urban poor of Lagos, Nairobi, Accra, and Kinshasa are not Marx’s classical proletariat; they are people expelled from the land by primitive accumulation and structural adjustment, surviving through informal trade, subsistence, and occasional wage labour. Orienting African socialist politics exclusively toward the formal trade union movement and the small industrial working class — which in many African countries constitutes a relatively privileged stratum compared to the peasantry and informal poor in general — is an unsound classification of the revolutionary subject itself.

These are examples of dogmatism. And it is precisely the representative tendencies which are offshoots of this error, what comrade Mao called “book worship”, that we shall now turn to characterising in their observable forms.

What are the Supermarxist tendencies?

Do not confuse the reality you live in with the ideas you have in your head.

— Amílcar Cabral

1: Class Reductionism

On the racial question, the Supermarxist’s first move is hardly that of genuine engagement. It is evasion. When confronted with a concrete observation — say, a comment on the persistence of global anti-Black racism or on the predatory character of European expansion both before and after capitalism took root in that society — the Supermarxist does not engage the claim on its merits. He reaches instead for a counter-example that explains it away without addressing it: “This is just the bourgeoisie dividing the working class.” “The Japanese did atrocious things too – the Rape of Nanking, their own imperialism – were they Europeans when they conquered their fellow Asians?” And imperialism’s favourite cousins: the Benin, Zulu, Oyo, Bakongo empires were expansionist too. “African societies practised slavery. Spare me the Kum Ba Yah about Ubuntu and Omoluwabi, please” — as if these invalidate the observation or experience in the first place.

Let us reference a particularly telling conversation we were privy to recently. A comrade — by his own admission a Pan-Africanist socialist — observed that European culture carries a supremacist character that predates capitalism and is not guaranteed to dissolve even with the victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat in that society, should this were to happen. For this, he was denounced, accused of Black supremacism, of being a closet Hitler.

Such is the Supermarxist inclination. To caution against “black racialism and supremacism”. After all, the historical and dialectical materialism of Marx and Engels does seem to suggest that race and, in particular, racial ideology is superstructural and, therefore, a social construct. But a correct and critical materialist analysis of the African condition, as we have stated earlier, would show that you cannot be structurally racist or supremacist without institutional power to enforce that hierarchy.

A Black man can be many things; he can be prejudiced, chauvinistic, yes, even a bigot. What he cannot be, within the present structure of global capitalism, is institutionally racist-supremacist, because that structure grants him no institutional power to disadvantage any other race. It is similar to accusing a propertyless worker who parrots bourgeois sentiment of thereby being bourgeois. A worker without capital remains a worker. We are materialists, after all, for crying out loud! A poor African peasant who dreams of exploiting his countrymen’s labour or looting their resources is, at best, a dreamer. He might be a miscreant or even a thief, but definitely not a comprador.

This is the same false equivalence, restated more abstractly, that underlies the broader Supermarxist position on race: that since white supremacy organises around race, Black anti-racism that organises around race must be guilty of the same error. That logic holds only if one ignores who constructed racial categories, for what purpose, and in whose interest they continue to serve. Race was not invented by the African people it was used to subordinate. It was the institution through which a specific global system of extraction was organised, legally encoded, and violently enforced. An ideology of domination and the legitimate response of the dominated to that ideology are not the same phenomenon, and conflating them is disingenuous.

We have put the deeper danger of this tendency to a Supermarxist comrade before, and it is worth repeating here, as it is politically the most dangerous tendency of all: are the working people of Africa to discard a shared and common experience of racial-capitalist exploitation – an experience that gives them both the reason and the material basis for solidarity across the very borders that colonialism imposed and that neocolonialism now vigorously maintains? Is it not precisely this racial-historical consciousness, grounded in class analysis rather than opposed to it, that arms the toiling class with an account of why and how it is being exploited, and of why it must organise transnationally, continentally, and internationally rather than within the narrow national terms that suit the comprador class? So you see that asking that this form of consciousness be abandoned for the sake of class purity does not purify the class and its struggle; it only serves to disarm it, to blunt its edges.

2: Idealistic Internationalism

The Supermarxist invokes proletarian internationalism as the framework within which African liberation must be organised and treats Pan-African solidarity as false consciousness — a lesser, nationalist substitute for genuine class internationalism.

The historical record of actually existing proletarian internationalism is sobering to say the least. At the moment of its greatest test — the outbreak of the First World War — the internationalism of the Second International collapsed almost entirely, as workers of the imperialist countries voted to kill one another on behalf of their respective ruling classes. The AFL-CIO actively collaborated with CIA operations in Africa and Latin America throughout the Cold War to suppress radical labour movements. The French Communist Party opposed Algerian independence at critical junctures of the liberation war. Ho Chi Minh learnt this lesson firsthand from the French left in the 1920s. The abstract international working class did not liberate Russia, Algeria, Vietnam, Cuba, or Guinea-Bissau.

Comrade Adebayo once put the matter even more pointedly to us: consider a Palestinian worker in Gaza and an Israeli worker in Tel Aviv. The latter, in a great many instances, builds the very bomb that will destroy the former’s home, family, and existence. What form of proletarian solidarity can realistically be expected between them on the basis of their shared class position alone in their different societies? The abstraction “worker” does not abolish the concrete fact that one man’s labour is a cog in the very machinery of the other’s destruction.

Lenin’s own conception in Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, explains why. The super-profits extracted from colonial and semi-colonial labour made it structurally possible for the ruling classes of imperialist countries to bribe sections of their own working class with a share of those super-profits. This creates a material stake in the continuation of imperialism among broad sections of the Western working class — a stake that proletarian consciousness does not simply dissolve, because consciousness is a downstream effect of material interests and thus, can not simply override it on demand.

By insisting on this form of internationalism as the only viable path then, the Supermarxist in effect asks African workers to wait for a Western proletarian solidarity that the material structure of imperialist capitalism makes unlikely. If we wait for such internationalism, we will wait forever.

The unity of the oppressed should be a precondition for any internationalism worth its salt. Pan-African solidarity – the building of political economic solidarity among oppressed African peoples and states – on the other hand, is not a retreat from internationalism. It is the only form of internationalism that corresponds to the actual material conditions of African peoples at this historical moment, and it is, paradoxically, what is best positioned to usher in a genuine internationalism eventually.

3: Historical Formalism

“This is what Lenin did in 1917.” “This is what Rosa Luxemburg wrote in Socialism or Barbarism, and I quote.” “This is what Trotsky argued for in Coyoacán.” Historical and international revolutionary experience is treated by the Supermarxist as a prescription, a blueprint rather than as an instructive precedent (a guide to action, not a plan of action), to be understood given its own concrete conditions and learnt from, not mechanically followed.

The irony is that every successful revolution departed significantly from the archetypes that preceded it. The Bolshevik revolution did not replicate the Paris Commune. The Chinese revolution was not a replica of the Bolshevik one. The Vietnamese liberation struggle was not a replica of the Chinese one. Each succeeded in part because its leadership conducted a concrete analysis of its concrete situation and built a political line from that analysis, not from historical precedent.

4: Undemocratic-Democratic Centralism

Criticism, say in the form of raising the race question, or questioning the applicability of a European framework to African conditions, is met not with theoretical engagement but with accusations of being unscientific or unmarxist (you need to study), of being a tool of the bourgeoisie, a reactionary, a Hundenyinist, a nationalist, etc. As a consequence, the Supermarxist insulates itself from scrutiny by making scrutiny itself politically suspicious.

This is a profound contradiction. Democratic centralism, as should be practised by any genuine Marxist-Leninist organisation, requires the fullest internal debate before a political line is determined. A tendency that forecloses such debate through political accusation is not practising democratic centralism. It is practising a form of uncritical indoctrination antithetical to the revolutionary tradition of Marxism-Leninism.

5: Dialectical Dogmatism

At the root of several other tendencies is this one: a failure to correctly identify what comrade Mao called the principal and secondary contradictions of a given social formation at a given historical moment. In the African context, the Supermarxist identifies the principal contradiction as the internal class struggle between the African proletariat and the African bourgeoisie and treats imperialism as secondary, or even tertiary.

This is an error of the first order. As we have already established, the African ruling class is a comprador class ontologically — and a comprador class, by definition, has no objective interest in developing the domestic productive forces. Its wealth does not come from production. It comes from its position as gatekeeper between the African economy and the global one. You cannot fight this class without simultaneously and primarily fighting imperialism. The two are structurally inseparable.

The Supermarxist treats the comprador class and imperialism as two separate, independent parties who happen to find themselves in an alliance — a marriage of convenience one that internal class struggle alone could, in principle, dissolve. But the comprador is not imperialism’s partner. It is imperialism’s creature. The comprador class does not merely benefit from imperialism, the way a contractor benefits from a client. The two do not merely coexist. They constitute each other. The comprador has no existence without imperialism. Strip the imperial relation away, and there is no comprador left at all.

This misidentification produces another related error: a distorted conception of who the revolutionary subject actually is at this stage of history. Where the ruling class is comprador — where the dominant mode of accumulation is extraction, rent, and intermediation rather than domestic production — the mode of production itself takes a specific character, and the working class it generates takes a specific character as a consequence. Classical Marxist analysis names the proletariat as the revolutionary subject precisely because it is the class whose productive forces capitalism simultaneously develops and exploits and whose collective position within production equips it to seize and reorganise that production.

But what of a mode of production that is barely oriented toward developing productive forces at all? Dangote, the most visible figure of Nigerian capital, does not manufacture in the full sense of the word — he assembles and distributes, with the productive core (technology, capital goods) sourced elsewhere. Moniepoint, the most dominant of the new fintech generation, processes financial transactions; the POS hardware central to its operations is imported, and its own CEO has acknowledged the company struggles to fill engineering roles locally, sourcing critical technical capacity from abroad. So, even the most dynamic examples of Nigerian capital are not, in their structural logic, incentivised to develop domestic productive forces, because their returns flow not from production but from the middleman position itself. The surplus accrues at the intermediary layer and flows outward. The workers this system produces are shaped accordingly, within a mode of production organised around extraction and gatekeeping rather than domestic production.

What, then, is the correct revolutionary subject in this formation? We do not yet have sufficient data to specify its precise configuration — that is a question for the concrete political work ahead. What we can establish here is the fundamental: that the revolutionary subject in Africa is necessarily particular, different from the one theorised out of 19th-century European industrial capitalism or even that of 21st-century American domestic capitalism, and this difference is a consequence of the mode of production itself.

In the same vein, where and what is the place of antagonism, since not every internal class distinction needs to be fought the same way at the same time? The principal struggle remains, throughout, the struggle against imperialism — yet the Supermarxist collapses every domestic capitalist formation into one undifferentiated bourgeoisie, to be opposed identically and all at once. But a comprador class, bound to imperialism by the mutual constitution we have just established, is necessarily different from a genuinely national bourgeoisie oriented, however partially, toward developing the domestic productive forces rather than serving imperialism. As comrade Mao insisted, struggle is constant, but antagonism — open, all-out conflict — is only one form it can take. Whether a contradiction is antagonistic depends on the concrete stage and conditions, not on which class it happens to belong to. To treat one category as if it fit every class formation alike, without accounting for this difference, the difference in relation to imperialism (which is primary at this stage) is, again, to get the material conditions wrong, and to get the material conditions wrong is to get everything else wrong.

So we ask the Supermarxist to not confuse the reality they live in with the ideas in their head. Look at the particular history before applying the universal formula. Look at which part of a struggle is actually primary, the part without which the others cannot be sufficiently addressed. Look at whether the two things you assume are separate are in fact propping each other up. Look at whether this particular class relation, at this particular moment, calls for antagonism or a provisional alliance. Just look!

6: Institutional Fetishism

Marxism’s foundational methodological commitment is to look beneath form to material content — it was precisely this move that Marx applied to bourgeois democracy, showing that its formal equality, the universal franchise, the rule of law, the independent judiciary concealed real class domination. The Supermarxist has learnt this thoroughly in the abstract and promptly inverts it in practice. They evaluate political formations by a single standard: whether they constitute, or are led by, or are accountable to, a formal dictatorship of the proletariat in the classical Marxist-Leninist sense. Formations that do not meet this standard are suspect, excluded from progressive solidarity, regardless of their material content or concrete political practice.

The result is that a contemporary government like that of Traoré’s is condemned as a junta — full stop. That it expelled French military forces, moved to assert mineral sovereignty, challenged the CFA franc dependency, and broke with ECOWAS as an instrument of French — none of this is treated as material evidence of progressiveness.

It is worth stating plainly what this means by the Supermarxist’s own standard: the governments of France, the United States, and the United Kingdom — which hold regular elections, maintain independent judiciaries, and conform to liberal-democratic norms — are, by this logic, more progressive than Traoré’s. That the Supermarxist critique lands in precisely the same political position as the French foreign ministry, the EU, and the Western liberal press should give any well-meaning revolutionary a pause.

7: Anti-Anti-Imperialism

The Supermarxist opposes capitalism (and imperialism) in the abstract and in principle, but in practice, the CFA franc arrangement, the Sahel base network, the funding of insurgencies against governments that step out of line — these are simply the way things are. Just like the weather, they are a given. Imperialism will always do what it has to do; that is its driving logic. What comes into sharp focus instead is the anti-imperialist: its form, its credentials, its distance from the theoretically correct revolutionary subject. The leadership is petty-bourgeois. The party is not a vanguard. The government is a junta. A principled reason is always found.

And yet it is these governments that are expected to meet the threshold of the dictatorship of the proletariat, as though they were governing in a laboratory rather than against the full, organised weight of an imperial system feverishly working to destroy or co-opt them. In essence, the anti-imperialist government’s internal contradictions are treated in isolation, rather than as secondary to the principal contradiction arising from imperialism itself. The Supermarxist does not ask what is possible within the concrete field of forces that actually obtains. They ask why the actually existing anti-imperialist does not look like the theoretically correct one — and, finding the answer unsatisfactory, sanctions it on those grounds. The imperial system, meanwhile, requires no such justification. It simply continues its predation.

What Do Supermarxist Charge?

We shall now state, as fairly as possible, three specific charges the Supermarxist levels against Pan-Africanism, specifically the practical conclusions that follow from the tendencies above and the principal source of the misalignment this pamphlet was written to address.

1: Class is primary; race is superstructural.

Class is always and everywhere the primary contradiction in any social formation. Race, nationality, and culture are superstructural — produced by the material base but not themselves constitutive of it. The working class has no country and no race. To organise politically around race or continental identity is therefore to organise around an illusion, a product of bourgeois ideology that serves only to divide the working class along lines that benefit the ruling class: the African bourgeoisie is a capitalist class exploiting African workers and peasants, and the struggle against it is a class struggle like any other; Pan-Africanism obscures this internal class antagonism by substituting continental solidarity for class solidarity and is therefore a form of false consciousness. The task ahead is to build working-class organisation within each African state to challenge the ruling class that governs it. Organising around race fractures the working class along the very racial lines capital exploits, where a clean class line would not.

2: Pan-Africanism is a retreat from proletarian internationalism.

The correct internationalism is solidarity across national lines with the global working class. Pan-Africanism substitutes racial and continental solidarity for that class solidarity. African workers should build ties with workers in Europe, North America, and elsewhere who share their class interests; to retreat into African solidarity is to accept the fragmentation imperialism has imposed and to abandon the possibility of genuine international working-class movement.

3: No dictatorship but the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Traoré’s government and governments like it in Mali and Niger, as well as those of Iran and China (theocracy and pseudo-workers’ party), are authoritarian and unaccountable; that is, not led by or accountable to the working class. Whatever their anti-imperialist rhetoric, they represent one form of class domination substituting for another. Genuine progressives should not extend solidarity to strongmen or non-workers’ parties simply because they adopt anti-imperialist language. The correct standard is workers’ control of the means of production.

Our Response to the Charges of the Supermarxist

There is nothing holy or sacred about theories or hypotheses for us, they serve us only as instruments.

— V.I. Lenin

We shall now attend to each charge in turn and demonstrate why, in the concrete material conditions of Africa today, each one fails – both as a theory and as a guide to practice.

1: On race and class.

Because race originates as ideology rather than as a natural fact — that is, in the Engelian sense, superstructural in its genesis and therefore socially constructed — the Supermarxist concludes it cannot underpin racial-capitalism itself. But that a thing starts as superstructure does not mean it is inconsequential. Money is a good counterexample.

Money, too, has no basis in nature. It is a convention, invented, agreed upon, backed by nothing but collective belief and, state power. There is nothing about the physical universe that requires that a piece of paper, or a number in a ledger, command food, land, or another person’s labour. It commands these things only because enough people, via the coercive machinery of the state, agreed to treat it as though it did. Yet nobody draws from this the conclusion that money is, therefore, “immaterial”, a mere idea separate from the real business of production. To the contrary, money organises production, determines who eats and who starves, and structures entire institutions, precisely because, once constructed, it becomes part of the relations of production themselves.

Race is no different in this one respect. Its genesis, we agree, is historical and ideological (there is no biological basis for it); but once manufactured and enforced by the state, it ceased to be merely superstructural and became constitutive of the economic base itself. Virginia’s slave codes of 1705 fixed African and African-descended people, and no one else, as chattel in law. Kenya’s White Highlands were reserved for European settlers by decree, with African communities confined to native reserves, their land alienated and undervalued, on the basis of race. That legal dispossession is what made cheap African land and, later, cheap African labour available to settler capital, and now cheap tea exports in the first place. The same pattern is evident in policing, in wage arrangements that pay a Black and a white worker differently for the same task, in property statutes that permit one race to own and forbid another, in visa regimes, among many others within and across states.

Genesis and function are different questions. The notion of the state itself demonstrates this in practice even more so. The state, too, is a construct — borders are drawn by treaty and by war, not by nature, and as Africans, we are aware of this quite well. The lines partitioned at Berlin in 1884 are the ones African states and African revolutionaries have had to organise within and against ever since. Lenin called the state “a machine for the oppression of one class by another” — arising only once class antagonism became irreconcilable, and destined to wither away once it dissolves. It is no more natural or permanent than race is.

Yet no one sees a contradiction in naming their party after the state they organise within or against: the Communist Party of the USA, the Communist Party of Britain, the Communist Party of China, the Vietnamese Communist Party,the Naija Marxists. They organise at the scale of the state while knowing full well it is a bourgeois form, and knowing full well capitalism is a world-system that exceeds any one of its borders. Nobody says that organising along state lines obscures the class question, even though the state is exactly the kind of construct the Supermarxist claims race to be. Capitalism must be contested where and how it actually constituted, and today, that remains chiefly within and across the “state”. We ask only that race be granted the same courtesy already extended to the state.

Granting that race functions as structure rather than mere superstructure, therefore, the charge that organising around it is “false consciousness” collapses, because false consciousness is when a class has a mistaken grasp of its material interests, and Pan-African consciousness is, on the contrary, the correct understanding of an exploitation that is organised continentally and racially. It is not a substitution of race for class — it is the recognition that in the global capitalist system, race has a function, just as class.

A working class that has become a class for itself is a working class with an identity and every act of class consciousness is, in itself, an act of identity formation. One does not abolish class by refusing to organise as a class; one organises as a class, wields that identity as a weapon until the conditions that necessitated it are gone at which point the identity dissolves with them. And, just as you need class to destroy class, you also need race to destroy race. One does not abolish race by refusing to organise when racialised. One organises against the structure that made race a fixture, and for as long as that structure persists, so does the racial question.

And who, in any case, commoditised race in the first place? Not the African. It was by capital’s own hand – the same process, the same act of primitive accumulation, that commoditised labour. Race and labour were enclosed together by the same mechanism of racial capitalism for the same purpose: to extract maximum surplus from Africans. It was the original enclosure, a structure of domination created and maintained by one group at the expense of another. One side built and upholds the hierarchy while the other has spent over five centuries responding to it.

Black anti-racism is therefore not a prototype of white supremacy but its antithesis. It is the response of the oppressed Black to the structure of their oppression—and the form of that response necessarily takes the shape of the oppression it is responding to. If you are oppressed as Africans — your land taken as African land, your labour exploited as African labour, your humanity denied as African humanity — then liberation is necessarily organised around the recovery of the humanity, land, and sovereignty taken on those terms. The oppressed have no obligation to dissolve the identity through which they are oppressed as a precondition of resisting that oppression. That demand is not Marxist. It is an imposition that only serves the oppressor.

None of this means class is unimportant or that racial solidarity is sufficient on its own. The internal class contradictions within African communities are concrete and must be identified and struggled with. The African comprador class does indeed exploit racial solidarity when it suits them. But the answer to that exploitation of racial politics is not to abandon racial solidarity. It is to give that solidarity its correct revolutionary, anti-imperialist, and anti-capitalist content. The task is not to dissolve Pan-Africanism into a colourblind class politics. It is to give Pan-Africanism its correct class character — and to insist that in the African context, you cannot correctly analyse class without accounting for race or race without accounting for class. They are inseparable in the African material condition of today, and any such attempt to separate them is itself politically fraudulent.

2: On internationalism.

Granting the historical record set out above — the Second International’s collapse in 1914, the AFL-CIO’s Cold War collaboration with the CIA, the French Communist Party’s opposition to Algerian independence, among a myriad other instances — the charge that Pan-Africanism is a retreat from internationalism inverts the actual relationship between the two. It is not Pan-Africanism that has failed to produce reliable international solidarity; it is proletarian internationalism, repeatedly, at exactly the moments solidarity was made requisite.

This is not a rejection of the idea of internationalism but its proper situation, a recognition that internationalism among the oppressed has to be built on actually existing shared material interests – the kind a Palestinian and an Israeli worker manifestly do not share by virtue of class position alone and the kind African peoples, bound by a common history of racial-capitalist extraction, manifestly do. In this sense, Pan-Africanism is not an obstacle standing in the way of internationalism. It is the only internationalism Africans currently have the material basis to build and the precondition for any wider internationalism that might one day be built upon it.

This should not be surprising. Capitalism itself did not become the dominant mode of production the moment capitalist relations first appeared; those relations existed within feudal society for centuries. Socialism, and the internationalism attendant to it, should be expected to follow the same historical course, if not at the same historical pace. Without internationalism everywhere, there is, in any material sense, no internationalism anywhere – only its ideal, awaiting the conditions of its own actuality.

A socialist state surrounded by a capitalist world does not stand outside that world but within it, and inside it, it must trade on capitalism’s terms, defend itself militarily, accumulate foreign exchange, and compete technologically, among a great many other pressures no socialist state can simply opt out of by declaration.

Applied to these concrete conditions, historical materialism tells us that as long as socialism exists only in non-dominant parts of the globe, the dominant relationship between states remains international competition, not international cooperation regardless of ideology. Even a genuinely socialist state would have interests that conflict with proletarian internationalism as an ideal.

What the Supermarxist mistakes for a betrayal of internationalism is, more precisely, the chasm between internationalism as an ideal and internationalism as it actually exists in the world today. What our people would call “audio” internationalism. Beyond the ideal, concretely, for genuine internationalism: let the workers of the Global North seize the means of production in their own advanced countries first, and we shall stand with them in that undertaking, for their victory is as much our interest as theirs. That is all.

3: On revolutionary purity.

Granting that the “material”, not “liberal”, is the correct socialist standard for evaluating a government, the charge against governments like Traoré’s fails to pass the Marxist acid test. It is, in other words, a liberal charge using Marxist pretensions.

The Pan-Africanist-Marxist standard for evaluating a government is material and structural: a political force is progressive to the degree that it advances the concrete liberation of the African people from imperialist extraction and creates the conditions for genuine sovereignty — economic, political, and military. By this standard, the correct question to ask of Traoré’s government is not whether it constitutes a dictatorship of the proletariat. It is whether it is materially advancing or retarding African sovereignty against the concrete forces arrayed against it. And those forces must be accounted for.

Anti-imperialist governments do not exist in a vacuum. They are a product of a global capitalist system of overwhelming dominance — one that controls the international financial architecture, the terms of trade, the military balance of forces, and, as we have shown, the very class structure of the states they govern. They inherit the accumulated structural deformities of colonialism and neocolonialism: economies organised for extraction, state apparatuses designed for intermediation, and working classes shaped by those same conditions. They arise, moreover, without the Marxist-Leninist vanguard party and organised working-class movement whose existence the Supermarxist posits as the precondition for any progressive politics.

Comrade Lenin himself, confronting analogous conditions in the colonial world, was unambiguous: the nationalist, the anti-imperialist — the “strongman”, if you insist — who is genuinely breaking with imperial domination must be regarded as objectively progressive at this stage of the struggle, whatever the formal limitations of his political organisation. The question that matters is always the concrete material direction of the movement, not the purity of its organisational forms.

Critique and solidarity, in this conception, are not antithetical. They are dialectical. The Pan-Africanist engages with the internal contradictions of anti-imperialist governments from a position of solidarity with the anti-imperialist project itself — precisely because weakening that project serves imperialism, not the African masses. The Supermarxist on the other hand, treats them as antithetical — solidarity or critique — and in choosing critique from such a position of neutrality, functions in practice as opposition. That is the crux of the matter. We say a government is progressive if it is materially anti-imperialist. The Supermarxist says a government is progressive only if it is a dictatorship of the proletariat.

Conclusion

Whoever expects a “pure” social revolution will never live to see it. Such a person pays lip-service to revolution without understanding what revolution is.

— V.I. Lenin

We began by establishing that Marxism is scientific only insofar as it is grounded in the actual, empirically observed material conditions of the society it analyses — that Marx’s own method proceeded from concrete investigation to theory, never the reverse, and that he said as much explicitly when he restricted his own historical account of primitive accumulation to Western Europe.From this it follows that any application of Marxist categories to Africa must itself begin from Africa’s concrete material conditions rather than from a template drawn from 19th England or 21st-century China, for instance.

We then established what those concrete conditions actually are: that race in Africa is not a superstructural distraction from class but is constitutive to it. It was the primary mechanism by which African capital, land, and labour were originally organised and are still, today, materially structured; that the African comprador class is not a classical national bourgeoisie with an interest in developing domestic productive forces but a transmission belt whose wealth depends on the very relation of dependency that a national-liberation politics would abolish; and that the majority of Africa’s labouring population is not the classical factory proletariat of industrialised nations but a peasantry and informal working population produced by primitive accumulation and structural adjustment. From this it follows that politics organised around the classical proletariat-bourgeoisie axis, blind to race and blind to the comprador character of the local ruling class, is not applying Marxism correctly to Africa; it is applying it incorrectly, however precise its formulae appears.

We then showed, from the historical record itself, that proletarian internationalism, as actually practised, has repeatedly failed to produce reliable solidarity across the imperial divide (metropole-periphery) and that Lenin’s own theory of the labour aristocracy explains why a material stake in imperialism, not a failure of consciousness, is what has repeatedly stymied that solidarity at critical moments. From this it follows that a politics which asks Africans to wait upon such solidarity as their primary strategic orientation is asking them to wait upon something the material structure of imperialism itself makes improbable — and that a politics built instead upon the material interests Africans concretely share with one another is not a retreat from internationalism but the only internationalism presently available to be built upon.

We then showed that the correct materialist standard for judging a government is not its resemblance to a formal dictatorship of the proletariat but the concrete direction of its movement against, or in alignment with, imperialist extraction and domination — because no government in Africa today possesses, or could plausibly be expected to possess, the vanguard party and organised industrial working class that the formal standard presupposes, and because that formal standard, applied consistently, would rank the imperial cores themselves above their anti-imperialist opponents in the periphery. From this it follows that solidarity with anti-imperialist governments, extended critically and without illusions about their internal contradictions, is not a departure from the Marxist method but its correct application and that withholding solidarity on formal grounds converges, whatever the intention behind it, with the position of the imperial powers themselves.

Put these four theses together, and only one political line makes sense. If race is constitutive of African material conditions rather than superstructural to them; if the African ruling class is structurally dependent on imperialism rather than autonomous; if proletarian internationalism cannot be relied upon as the primary strategic axis; and if the correct standard for judging anti-imperialist forces is material direction rather than formal purity — then the primary contradiction in Africa today is not, principally, the African worker against the African bourgeoisie considered in isolation. It is the African people, across their internal class fractions, against imperialism as the global system that produces and sustains that very class structure.This does not abolish the internal class struggle but correctly subordinates it, since that internal structure cannot be transformed while the external relation that produces it remains intact. And the political form adequate to a continentally organised system of extraction can only be a continentally organised politics of liberation: Pan-African in scope, Marxist in method, building the political economy of unity among African peoples as the necessary foundation for any genuinely sovereign socialist path.

This is the line the concrete analysis of concrete conditions produces. We close, then, with an appeal to all of us, ourselves included. As we embrace Marxism as a tool of analysis, we must constantly endeavour to turn it upon ourselves. Self-criticism — or more precisely, self-analysis — is essential to our struggle. What conditions do our theory, our proclivities, and our practice engender? Do they, accidentally or otherwise, further consolidate the exploitation of the toiling, proletarian African masses in reality — or do they move toward their liberation? Do they frustrate needlessly the efforts toward a united front, a unity so badly required at this historical moment? Who do these tendencies benefit in the grand scheme of things?

These are questions we must always ask of ourselves, our movements, and our own habits of thought. When we do, it becomes evident that Supermarxism is a disservice to the struggle ahead — and we must disabuse ourselves of it, comrades.

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This move is in keeping with Nigerien President General Abdourahmane Tiani’s progressive vision for the country, which has continued to record economic, social and political wins since severing ties with its former colonizer France in 2023.

• Meet Dale Partridge: The New Christian Face of U.S. Imperialism Advocating European Recolonisation of Africa

Whenever the clear and indisputable historical nexus connecting r*cism, col*nialism and Christianity is pointed out, two of the most popular retorts trotted out in response are that a) The historical events in question happened too long ago to matter to modern day African people and b) Christianity in Africa predates the European presence in Africa anyway.

These 2 chestnut arguments do not account for the reality that modern theological reality is very much a direct product of its historical influences, and the type of Christian theology present across most of Africa is European col*nial theology, not the Coptic or Orthodox theology that is indigenous to parts of Eritrea, Ethiopia and Egypt. This theology is still heavily influenced by, or even subject to the r*cist, extractive agendas of European theologians today - many of whom retain the violently imperial, parochial ideas of their forebears.

Meet Dale Partridge, lead teaching pastor at King’s Way Reformed Church in Prescott, Arizona. A millennial born in 1985, Partridge’s message is that Africans - or “Hamites” as he calls us - are subject to a divine curse that makes us unable to maintain our societies without European col*nialism.

Partridge is far from a lone outlier in this Christian theological school of thought. His theological mentor and leader of the so-called ‘reformed Christian movement” is none other than Doug Wilson, who happens to be the personal pastor of US Secretary of War and avowed white supremacists Pete Hegseth.

The Spearhead commends Partridge for the unusual and refreshing honesty and lack of doublespeak in openly owning his abominable ideology which animates US Christian nationalism. The onus is on Africans to decide whether to validate the ideologies of violent anti-black r*cists with their religious loyalty or to try something new.

• The West Protects Africans Who Steal From Africa, But Prosecutes Those Who Steal From The West

In the latest testament to the imbalance of power between the West and Africa, a Ghanaian citizen has been extradited to the US over fraud-related charges, even as the same US is actively protecting another Ghanaian citizen, who is wanted on corruption charges in Ghana.

Yes. Really.

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In this groundbreaking report for The Spearhead, Mckay Chukwu outlines the historical and economic rationale behind the weird and unsettling tradition of representing Africans using foreign depictions in African commercial messaging, and why this is not simply a quirky, harmless phenomenon.

The report examines how the marketing communications industry across Africa and the diaspora plays a pivotal role in creating and maintaining socially harmful ideas in the public imagination including racial, cultural and ethnic inferiority complexes, and the desire to “fix” or “mitigate” some aspect of African identity by spending money on consumer offerings.

• Burkina Faso Introduces New Humanitarian Rules to Protect Vulnerable People

Burkina Faso has introduced a new decree aimed at moving beyond simple aid toward long-term resilience and the preservation of human dignity.

Key changes under the new policy, approved on July 2, 2026, include mandatory accreditation, empowerment over aid and prioritizing dignity.

• Colonial Borders Have Wrecked African Minds

Pan-Africanists PLO Lumumba and Joshua Maponga make a good point in this The Alfa House clip.

Even if African borders are erased, we still have to deal with the divisions that lurk in African minds.

Will you read the books they mentioned? Drop us a comment.

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Video credit: @alfa_house_social (Instagram).

• Africa Needs A Revolutionary Party – Imani Na Umoja

Speaking at the 2026 Kwame Ture Webinar hosted by the All-African People’s Revolutionary Party (A-APRP), Imani Na Umoja, Central Committee Member of the African Party of Independence of Guinea and Cabo Verde (PAIGC), sheds light on how Africa’s complicated modern history has much to teach its people today about the need for political organization, under a true revolutionary party.

Kwame Ture (1941 – 1998) was a Trinidadian-born, U.S-raised activist, who was a key figure in the Civil Rights and Black Power Movements in the United States, and a lifelong champion of Pan-Africanism. He was most notable in his later years as the chief organizer for the All-African People’s Revolutionary Party (A-APRP), which was founded in 1968 by Ghana’s first President, Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah (1909 – 1972), and Guinea’s first President, Ahmed Sekou Touré (1922 – 1984) – both icons of Pan-Africanism. It was in their honor that Ture, born Stokely Carmichael, took on his new name.

The Spearhead is proud to now call itself a sister organization of the A-APRP.

More to come! You can watch the full webinar on our YouTube channel (highly recommended!), and follow us to stay posted.

• Western-Backed T*rrorists Fail Yet Again In Latest Att*cks On AES

Since severing military and political ties with their former colonizer, France, between 2022 and 2023, Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso, who together form the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), have seen rapid social, political and economic progress.

They have also seen a telling uptick in t*rror activity on their soil, and pointed to the West as the hand behind this uptick.

The latest desperate attempt by the West to destabilize the AES came in the form of a series of coordinated att*cks on Burkina Faso, days after it fully severed diplomatic ties with France on June 26, 2026, and on Mali the following week.

Both attacks were swiftly thwarted by the armed forces of both countries, leaving the AES free to continue its path to sovereignty, and set an example for the rest of Africa.

• Kwame Ture: Revolution Begins With Organising The Masses

Kwame Ture (1941-98) makes its crystal clear. The struggle for African liberation must start with the poor and working class struggling against African traitors who sell us out to foreign powers.

The co-founder of the All-African People’s Revolutionary Party also disapproved of running in elections in this 1989 clip.

Do you agree? Disagree? Drop us a comment.

For more like this, follow The Spearhead.

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‎The recent US Supreme Court ruling in favour of biotech giant Monsanto exposes the fact that Western systems also sacrifice ordinary people when corporate profit is at stake. They are just very good at packaging impunity and hiding behind polished institutions while giving their brand of corruption fancy names.

Africans must as a matter of urgency discard the completely false idea that our problems exist only because of African leaders, while ignoring the global power structures that protect and project corporate power around the world, while directly fuelling Africa’s underdevelopment.

‎The system that tells Africans that we are sole cause of our problems is the exact same system profiting from our problems. That lie must be dismantled.

• Ghana Settles $700m External Debt Ahead Of Schedule As Economy Continues To Rebound

In the latest win for the administration of Ghanaian President John Mahama, Ghana has fully settled a $700 million (approx. GH₵7.9 billion) external “Eurobond” debt obligation ahead of schedule, as the top African gold producer continues to reap more value from its resources.

This settlement comes on the heels of several wins by the Mahama administration, and stands as a clear message to other resource-rich African countries about which path to take forward.

• Nigeria-China Rail Partnership Delivers New Trains for Lagos

Lagos has taken a major step toward modern public transport with the delivery of new trains for the Red Line.

This is what value-aligned partnerships can look like. Through its cooperation with China, Nigeria’s commercial capital and one of West Africa’s biggest economic centers is investing in infrastructure that addresses the real needs of its people, economy, and future.

For African cities, partnerships should not be about development, infrastructure, productivity, and shared growth. This Nigeria-China deal is an important example of that.

• How Jeffrey Epstein Shaped Internal Affairs In DRC, Côte d’Ivoire & Nigeria

The first, 3.5-million-page batch of the infamous Epstein files – released by the United States Department of Justice (DOJ) on January 30th, 2026 – has revealed many disturbing truths about the Western ruling elite, and when most Africans who have followed this news think about the name ‘Jeffrey Epstein’, the s*x-related scandals are usually the only things that come to mind.

But Epstein was more than just a s*xual deviant and human tr*fficker.

In this report, The Spearhead sheds light on a series of analyses on the Epstein files by US-based nonprofit investigative news outlet, Drop Site News, which reveal how intimately involved Jeffrey Epstein was with Africa’s internal affairs.

• Berlin Conference’s Colonial Legacy Lingers in Africa

It’s true that the 1884-85 Berlin conference carved up the continent. However, what’s Africa’s excuse for remaining divided all these decades after so-called independence?

That’s what philosopher Joshua Maponga asks.

Can you help him with the answer? Drop your ideas in the comments.

For more like this, follow The Spearhead.

Video credit: @thee_alfa_house

• Zimbabwe Taps Into China’s Market With Blueberry Exports

Zimbabwe’s first blueberry exports to China are another indication of the shift in Africa’s trade direction.

For too long, African countries have depended heavily on traditional Western markets, often under trade systems that limit real growth and keep African producers at the weaker end of the value chain. But China’s zero-tariff access for 53 African countries is opening a different kind of opportunity, giving African producers a chance to reach one of the world’s largest consumer markets, grow export earnings, and strengthen local agricultural sectors.

Zimbabwe’s blueberry exports show what is possible when African products are treated as valuable, competitive, and worthy of global markets.

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African countries cannot continue to produce raw materials while Western traders, processors and chocolate brands control the real value, the pricing and the profit.

The cocoa crisis is another reminder that Africa needs stronger regional control, more local processing, African-owned value chains and better protection for the farmers whose labour keeps this industry alive.

• Is The UAE Preparing To Commit Another G*nocide In Sudan?

The externally-fueled proxy war in Sudan officially entered its fourth year this April 2026. Across the resource-rich North African nation, millions remain displaced, facing hunger, disease and violence in what many are calling the worst humanitarian crisis of our time.

The UAE-backed – and by extension, US-aligned – Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia has perpetrated atrocities across Sudan in its campaign to seize resource-rich territory on behalf of its sponsors, with the regions of Darfur and Kordofan bearing the worst of the carnage. The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) are fighting to reclaim their country from this vicious militia, and what was once simplistically framed by international media as a “civil war” between “rival factions”, has quickly transformed into a new independence struggle, with Sudan’s gold, oil, arable land and sovereignty as the prize.

Recently, fears have been raised about another imminent atrocity by the RSF in the Sudanese city of Al-Ubayyid. In this report, The Spearhead sheds light on this latest red alert, and the malevolent forces behind it.

• African Union Posts Anti-African Job Ad On Social Media

On July 5, 2026, the African Union (AU) posted this job ad on its social media.

For those who do not immediately notice what is deeply, unsettlingly wrong with this ad, it features five hypothetical job candidates, of which two are clearly of European descent, two are light-skinned Africans, and only one is a dark-skinned (and visibly much older) African.

There is nothing accidental about the message behind this ad, and its targeting at a continent with over 70% of its population under the age of 30, and predominantly dark-skinned.

It is certainly not surprising, given that the AU receives most of its operational budget from the European Union (EU) and Western organizations like the World Bank, and has been repeatedly accused of placing Western interests above the interests of the continent it is meant to represent.

It isn’t surprising at all.

It’s just disappointing.

The AU is directly telling the vast majority of Africans that their continent does not actually belong to them and that their interests are not its priority.

And it is left to the people of Africa to take this very clear message to heart, and respond accordingly.

• Why Isr*el-Linked Billionaire Gave $554K to South African Anti-Migrant Groups

The South African anti-migrant movement might not be so influential were it not for one Isr*el-linked billionaire.

South African activist July Eccles (@july_eccles on IG) explained the impact of gambling tycoon Martin Moshal’s political donations on Johannesburg-based broadcaster @salaammedia_onair’s programme, “Xenophobia in South Africa: Is There a Hidden Hand Stirring the Chaos?”

A recent South African Electoral Commission report on political donations showed that the South African-born billionaire had given 9 million South African rand ($610,000) to anti-migrant political party ActionSA in 2026’s first quarter. According to South Africa-based Newsday, Moshal had donated 103 million South African rand ($6.35 million) to four anti-migrant political parties since the 2021-22 fiscal year.

Is South Africa’s x*nophobic sentiment actually smaller than what it seems? Drop us a comment if you agree or disagree.

For more like this, follow The Spearhead.

• Joshua Maponga: Who Sends Guns to the Congo?

In this clip from South Africa-based radio station thevoicelounge_za, philosopher Joshua Maponga breaks down how w*apons enter the w*r-ravaged Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Given foreign powers have backed a conflict that has k*lled and displaced Congolese for three decades and European colonialists plundered the country for decades before that, perhaps it’s best we not blame ordinary Africans for the vi*lence, corruption and underdevelopment.

Drop us a comment if Maponga has piqued your curiosity.

For more like this, follow The Spearhead.

Video credit: @thevoicelounge_za.

• African Proverb Of The Week

One of the most tried and true tactics of Western imperialism is “divide and conquer”. From “favoring” certain ethnic groups over others, to arming insurgencies, to bankrolling separatist and/or “opposition” movements, the West has spent centuries fueling petty divisions in its colonies across the Global South, so that their masses are always too busy fighting each other to mount any meaningful resistance.

These petty divisions have robbed Africa of so many of its great modern visionaries, Nkrumah, Lumumba, Sankara, Gaddafi, and condemned the continent to decades of economic stagnation. And now that the winds of liberation are blowing across the continent again, the West is again doing everything in its power to turn Africa against its new visionaries: the leaders of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES).

This West African proverb reminds us, as Africans, to always ask ourselves who truly benefits from our internal squabbles, and never again allow this enemy to turn us against our best and brightest.

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US president Donald Trump’s recent decision to halt advanced features of a new Anthropic AI model outside the US illustrates the inherent danger of surrendering technological sovereignty and becoming dependent on technology that comes inbuilt with a US government kill switch.

Mckay Chukwu explores this for The Spearhead.

• Ousmane Sembène: Europe Is Not My Centre But Africa

During the 1983 documentary Caméra d’Afrique’, Legendary Senegalese filmmaker Ousmane Sembène was asked by a European interviewer if European audiences understood his films.

His response to this question encapsulates all that should characterise the modern African artist or public intellectual: unapologetic, independent and African-centred.

• Thabo Mbeki On Who Is Blocking Africans From Working Together

While addressing an audience at an event marking the 2026 Africa Liberation Day on 25 May 2026, former South African president Thabo Mbeki shared an anecdote that answers the question often asked by ignorant Africans or disingenuous outside interests: “Is it colonisers that made you not build infrastructure 60+ years after independence?”

The answer, it turns out, is “Yes.”

Knowing and acknowledging this reality does not remove responsibility for the material improvement of Africa from Africans. What it does is reframe the discourse away from nonexistent or surface solutions towards the deeper political solution to Africa’s development challenges - full sovereignty and continental economic and political unity.

• Burkina Faso Introduces Approval for Foreign Study

Burkina Faso has introduced a new policy requiring all students; whether government-sponsored or private, to obtain government approval before studying abroad.

Aimed at aligning overseas training with the nation’s development priorities and workforce needs, this measure seeks to boost local education quality by encouraging investment in domestic institutions.

• Mali Celebrates 5 Years Under The Revolutionary Leadership Of Assimi Goïta

On May 27, 2026, Mali celebrated 5 years under the revolutionary leadership of General Assimi Goïta. Since taking power in the people-backed anti-imperialist coup of 2021, President Goïta has set Mali on a sovereign path, breaking away from former colonizer France, increasing state ownership of the country’s natural wealth, holding its own against the Western-backed t*rrorists trying desperately to force it back into subservience, and along with fellow Alliance of Sahel States (AES) members, Niger and Burkina Faso, setting an example for the rest of Africa to follow.

• US Ambassador To South Africa Meets With White Separatists In Country Amid “Anti-Immigration” Protests

In his latest breach of diplomatic protocol (see the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, 1961) US Ambassador to South Africa, Leo Brent Bozell III, has met with white separatists groups in South Africa, as the country experiences its latest “anti-immigration” wave – a wave now known to have links to the US government itself.

This latest stunt, coming on the heels of many, many other stunts, speaks to the US’s desperation to isolate and destabilize South Africa, and we need look no further than the country’s recent steps towards sovereignty, development and equity for its true people to see the motives behind this.

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In this report for The Spearhead, Nuhu Guinko weighs the EU’s latest slander campaign against the facts.

• Thabo Mbeki Explains Why African Leaders Rejected Muammar Gaddafi’s Immediate United States of Africa Plan

While addressing an audience at an event marking the 2026 Africa Liberation Day on 25 May 2026, former South African president Thabo Mbeki revealed that the desirability of a United States of Africa among African member states was never in question when the issue was raised by former Libyan leader Muammar Gadaffi at the 2007 AU summit in Accra, Ghana.

The only point of divergence among AU member states, he said, was on whether to achieve continental convergence using Kwame Nkrumah’s bold, top-down strategy, which was favoured by Gadaffi, or via a more gradualist, regional approach.

Ultimately the gradualist approach carried the majority of the votes and just 4 years after the summit, Gadaffi was overthrown and m*rdered in a US-backed regime change operation that destroyed the state of Libya and saddled the entire Sahel region with political instability and a security crisis that persists to this day.

In hindsight, was Gadaffi right about taking bold, continent-wide decisions where the opportunity existed

Let us know in the comments.

• South Africans Now Att*cking Each Other, As EFF Leader Julius Malema Predicted

South Africa is currently experiencing its latest “anti-immigration” wave. Under the provably false pretext of “protecting” their country from “crime” and “illegal immigration”, a noisy minority of historically-illiterate South Africans have taken to the country’s streets, att*cking Africans from other nations, blocking their children at the gates of schools, denying their families health care, blaming them for South Africa’s economic problems, and calling for them to return to their countries.

Yet through it all, the descendants of South Africa’s European oppressors, who actually dominate the country’s economy and politics, have continued to enjoy their eternal free pass.

Recently, videos have emerged of South Africans att*cking their fellow South Africans, after either “mistaking” them for foreigners, or knowing full well that these South Africans are, in fact, their compatriots.

In a speech delivered at a party event on May 30, 2026, Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) founder and leader, Julius Sello Malema, warned that this was always the logical conclusion of South Africa’s “anti-immigration” wave.

While questions continue to be asked about the forces behind this wave, at least one of its leaders, Jacinta Ngobese-Zuma, has known links to the US government.

• Niger Sets Strict Conditions For Reopening Border With Benin

Following his June 2, 2026, visit to Niger, Benin’s new President, Romuald Wadagni, has moved to mend his country’s strained relations with the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) member. On June 21, 2026, a joint committee formed by both countries concluded talks on reopening the Niger-Benin land border, which was closed by Niger in 2023 over security concerns.

The Nigerien delegation’s terms for this reopening were simple:

Benin must now choose between its continued subservience to France, and its relationship with the AES.

President Wadagni took office on May 24, 2026, taking over from former Benin President and full-throated ally of France, Patrice Talon. What this Wadagni’s recent moves mean for the status quo maintained by his predecessor remains to be seen. For now, Benin remains friendly with France.

• Ibrahim Traoré: The Battle Over Africa Is About Uranium, Oil and Gold

Burkina Faso president Capt. Ibrahim Traoré says that worsening economic conditions in Europe are the reasons behind its renewed narrative assault on Africa in an attempt to snatch Africa’s minerals.

Do you agree with him?

Tell us in the comment section.

• Ghana’s State-Owned Oil Refinery Records First Profit In 9 Years As Country Moves Towards Self-Sufficiency

In yet another win for Africa’s sovereign development, Ghana’s state-owned Tema Oil Refinery (TOR) has announced a net profit of $109.1 million for the fiscal year of 2025, its first profit in 9 years. This announcement, made on June 29, 2026, comes on the heels of years of challenges faced by the refinery under previous administrations.

Under President John Mahama, Ghana appears to be on a political and economic trajectory that echoes the nationalist vision of its founding father and Pan-Africanist icon, Kwame Nkrumah, who was a firm believer in the power of the sovereign African state.

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In this report for the Spearhead, Barra Hart sheds light on an important connection between the figureheads of this “movement”, and a certain Western government which has become increasingly hostile towards South Africa in recent years, and is actively supporting separatist elements within the country.

• BREAKING: US-Funded Pro-Isr*eli Group Spreads Disinformation About Burkina Faso

The Western intelligence machine has made its latest desperate attempt on Africa’s information space. The latest stunt comes from Institute for Black Solidarity with Israel (IBSI) (everywhere else), a US-based lobby group which targets people of African descent to garner support for the g*nocidal t*rror state presently occupying Palestine.

On June 28, 2026, 2 days after Burkina Faso announced that it had severed all diplomatic ties with former colonizer, France, IBSI put out a deliberately misleading post on X, in which it implied that Burkina Faso was now seeking to deepen ties with Isr*el.

So The Spearhead decided to give IBSI the attention it was begging for.

• Kenya, Rwanda Sign Fuel Deal to Improve Supply Security

This is the kind of regional cooperation Africa needs more of. Rwanda and Kenya’s fuel import agreement shows how African countries can leverage each other’s infrastructure, trade routes, and strategic advantages to address practical development challenges.

For Rwanda, this deal strengthens fuel security, reduces dependence on limited routes, and makes supply more predictable for businesses and industries. For Kenya, it positions Mombasa, its storage facilities, and pipeline infrastructure as an important part of East Africa’s economic engine.

This is what a progressive Africa should look like in practice: African countries building systems that connect their economies, reduce external vulnerability, and make regional integration more than just speeches at conferences. The more Africa trades with itself and plans together, the stronger the continent becomes.

• Western Media Asked Iranian Footballers About the Strait of Hormuz?

South African comedian Trevor Noah says Western media outlets tried to “trap” Iranian footballers into answering questions about the US/Israeli war against Iran that has closed the Strait of Hormuz, through which 25 per cent of the world’s oil flows. Meanwhile, no such requests were made to US footballers.

Do you think it’s fair to ask footballers about politics? Drop us a comment.

For more like this, follow The Spearhead.

Video credit: @trevornoah

• Is France Trying To Loot Niger’s Uranium?

Why have the Western-backed t*rrorists presently ravaging the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) developed a sudden, strange obsession with Niger’s Diori Hamani International Airport, located in its capital, Niamey?

What do the two recent att*cks on this airport, first in January, and then this June, mean for Niger’s future?

And why should you, as an African, care?

In this report, The Spearhead explores these very important questions.

• Russia’s Embassy In Kenya Weighs In On Nigeria’s New Mineral Reserves

The Russian Embassy in Kenya has weighed in on Nigeria’s latest discovery of new copper, lithium, and rare earth mineral deposits. The Embassy aptly noted that the predatory US, which has already established a military presence in Nigeria under the false pretext of “fighting terrorism” and “protecting Nigerian Christians”, is likely to step up its interventions in Nigeria in the wake of this news.

Lithium is a critical industrial mineral popular for its applications in powering electronics. Nigeria would hardly be the first African nation plundered by the US for this and other critical minerals (see DR Congo).

The Spearhead will continue to monitor the developments.

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